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Independently commissioned by IAI, the three studies comprising
this book examine inter-Arab industrial and economic cooperation.
The first chapter analyses the industrial strategies, economic
policies and attempts at harmonisation and cooperation of the Arab
countries, providing a detailed picture of the convergences and
divergences, the potential and the difficulties faced by the
region. The second chapter examines the importance of coordinating
economic polices if economic integration is to be sustained, and
considers the implications to the world economy. Lastly, the third
chapter examines Arab labour flows, a key factor in the development
of the Arab countries. First published in 1979.
Over the last ten years the Egyptian economy has undergone a major
transformation which has led to greater decentralisation and
international competition. This transformation, along with changing
circumstances in the surrounding Arab areas and the end of
hostilities with Israel, has given a boost to the Egyptian economy.
Without underestimating the obstacles that still stand in the way
of sustained economic growth and development, this book foresees a
more optimistic outlook for Egypt than do other such studies
carried out by international organisations such as the World Bank.
Egypt's Economic Potential argues that the main problem facing the
Egyptian economy is that the government must resort to expensive
public expenditure policies, in particular subsidising foodstuffs,
in order to maintain the political consensus. This creates a
savings gap which prevents the authorities from channelling savings
towards financing the projects which will cerate economic growth.
However, the book suggests that because the present regime is
fundamentally stable and even further change at the top would be
unlikely to alter the institutional framework of the country, the
Egyptian economy has the potential for stable and rapid growth.
Independently commissioned by IAI, the three studies comprising
this book examine inter-Arab industrial and economic cooperation.
The first chapter analyses the industrial strategies, economic
policies and attempts at harmonisation and cooperation of the Arab
countries, providing a detailed picture of the convergences and
divergences, the potential and the difficulties faced by the
region. The second chapter examines the importance of coordinating
economic polices if economic integration is to be sustained, and
considers the implications to the world economy. Lastly, the third
chapter examines Arab labour flows, a key factor in the development
of the Arab countries.
Over the last ten years the Egyptian economy has undergone a major
transformation which has led to greater decentralisation and
international competition. This transformation, along with changing
circumstances in the surrounding Arab areas and the end of
hostilities with Israel, has given a boost to the Egyptian economy.
Without underestimating the obstacles that still stand in the way
of sustained economic growth and development, this book foresees a
more optimistic outlook for Egypt than do other such studies
carried out by international organisations such as the World Bank.
Egypt's Economic Potential argues that the main problem facing the
Egyptian economy is that the government must resort to expensive
public expenditure policies, in particular subsidising foodstuffs,
in order to maintain the political consensus. This creates a
savings gap which prevents the authorities from channelling savings
towards financing the projects which will cerate economic growth.
However, the book suggests that because the present regime is
fundamentally stable and even further change at the top would be
unlikely to alter the institutional framework of the country, the
Egyptian economy has the potential for stable and rapid growth.
Contributions to this book question the concept of the clash of
cultures. The challenge to the West does not lie in the monolith of
Islam turning aggressively outward to Europe and the US, but in the
rivalries between regimes ruling over societies divided by an
imbalance in wealth and power.
Contributions to this book question the concept of the clash of
cultures. The challenge to the West does not lie in the monolith of
Islam turning aggressively outward to Europe and the US, but in the
rivalries between regimes ruling over societies divided by an
imbalance in wealth and power.
Since the late 1970s the Red Sea has become extremely important
both in international politics and regional affairs. This situation
came about because of the growing Soviet presence in the Horn of
Africa and Saudi efforts to have the Red Sea treated as an 'Arab
Lake'. This book, first published in 1985, examines the development
of the Red Sea as a significant problem in superpower relations and
assesses its relative importance in the context of other conflicts
in the Gulf and elsewhere in the Third World. It analyses Soviet
interests in the Red Sea area and examines its record in seeking to
intervene in the domestic politics of the region. The book also
discusses the degree of regional stability in the Red Sea both in
terms of inter-Arab relations and Afro-Arab regulations. This issue
is considered against the background of the security of the Nile
valley. In conclusion the book argues that Saudi Arabia's regional
policies aimed at enhancing internal and external security have
proved destabilizing and in a way even adventurous. By fermenting
Somali nationalism Saudi Arabia hoped to push the Soviets out of
the Red Sea. In fact this policy reinforced the Soviet presence in
the Horn of Africa. Similarly, Saudi Arabia's regular interference
in the domestic affairs of North Yemen may well prove extremely
counter-productive. The book argues that the West's preoccupation
with the region would lessen considerably if Saudi Arabia and Egypt
would promote policies of cooperation, rather than destabilization
at both inter-Arab and Afro-Arab levels.
Since the late 1970s the Red Sea has become extremely important
both in international politics and regional affairs. This situation
came about because of the growing Soviet presence in the Horn of
Africa and Saudi efforts to have the Red Sea treated as an 'Arab
Lake'. This book, first published in 1985, examines the development
of the Red Sea as a significant problem in superpower relations and
assesses its relative importance in the context of other conflicts
in the Gulf and elsewhere in the Third World. It analyses Soviet
interests in the Red Sea area and examines its record in seeking to
intervene in the domestic politics of the region. The book also
discusses the degree of regional stability in the Red Sea both in
terms of inter-Arab relations and Afro-Arab regulations. This issue
is considered against the background of the security of the Nile
valley. In conclusion the book argues that Saudi Arabia's regional
policies aimed at enhancing internal and external security have
proved destabilizing and in a way even adventurous. By fermenting
Somali nationalism Saudi Arabia hoped to push the Soviets out of
the Red Sea. In fact this policy reinforced the Soviet presence in
the Horn of Africa. Similarly, Saudi Arabia's regular interference
in the domestic affairs of North Yemen may well prove extremely
counter-productive. The book argues that the West's preoccupation
with the region would lessen considerably if Saudi Arabia and Egypt
would promote policies of cooperation, rather than destabilization
at both inter-Arab and Afro-Arab levels.
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